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THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

A Study in Industrial Economics 



BY 



Paul W. Litchfield 
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Viee-pre$xdent and Factory Manager, The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. 



All Right* Reeerted 



AKRON, OHIO 
19 19 



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COPYRIGHT 
1919 



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THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

CONTENTS 

Chapter I. 

Expansion of Political Democracy. 

Chapter II. 

Genesis and Development of the Labor- 
Capital Opposition. 

Chapter III. 

Present status of the Labor-Capital Op- 
position. 

Chapter IV. 

Clues to the Solution. 

Chapter V. 

Rights involve Duties. 

Chapter VI. 

The Industrial Republic. 

Chapter VII. 

Industrial Citizenship. 



[3] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER I 

Expansion of Political Democracy 

After four years of fighting between all 
the leading nations of the world to deter- 
mine under what form of government 
people should live in the future, we would 
naturally look for an era of peace. Instead 
of this, we find a state of anarchy and civil 
war in some of the nations, and a feeling of 
industrial unrest in others. The focusing of 
attention on the faults of political govern- 
ment has produced a similar focusing on the 
faults of Industrial Management. 

The result of this is an alarming state of 
affairs in Eastern Europe which is gradually 
spreading westward, and every effort should 
be made to determine its cause, to see what 
the points of misunderstanding are between 
management and men in Industry, and to 



[5] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

find out at what point the two sides can 
meet with fairness to both. 

As the conditions of civil war prevailing 
in Eastern Europe and the conditions of 
general unrest spreading westward are the 
direct outcome of the world war just 
finished, a proper understanding of the 
causes of this unrest necessitates a review 
of the war in the particular phases which 
have a bearing on the present industrial 
problem. 

Looking back to 1914, we find Germany 
a highly efficient empire, ruled by a small 
autocratic minority, who by efficient and 
progressive direction had united a group 
of small states into a nation and made this 
nation very powerful. It reached a stage 
where it could produce much more than it 
could consume and had to depend very 
largely upon the outside markets to sustain 
its rapidly growing population. It found 
other nations in political control of these 
markets. 



[6] 



EXPANSION OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 

The German Nation had come to believe 
on account of its rapid rise, productivity 
and power, that its "Kultur" was superior 
to any other upon earth, and that as a 
missionary it should give its benefits to 
constantly increasing areas whether the 
inhabitants desired it or not. The result 
was that after many years of preparation 
for world control, feeling herself capable of 
carrying her government by force of arms 
to other countries, she seized the first con- 
venient opportunity and threw down the 
gage of battle. She engaged her immediate 
neighbors in a struggle of life or death. 

The initial advantage gained by Ger- 
many, owing to her state of preparation, 
followed by her barbarous methods of war- 
fare and arrogant assertion of her desires 
and intentions, first shocked and then 
aroused the leading self-governing Nations 
of the earth to the danger threatening 
their own free institutions and future 
safety. The whole conflict took the form of 



m 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

a world-wide contest to see whether govern- 
ment should be by self-determination, peo- 
ples having a voice in their forms of govern- 
ment, or whether a small autocratic minority 
should establish itself in the control of 
Nations on the principle of "Might makes 
Right." 

Russia, one of the leading nations against 
Germany at the beginning of the war, 
revolted from the government of the Czar 
and established a republic. Soon after- 
wards, the first Russian Republic was over- 
thrown by a second revolt and a Socialist 
Republic started. This was unable to main- 
tain itself, and a third revolt took place, 
throwing the Russian Government into the 
hands of the Proletariat. Conditions of 
civil war and anarchy became prevalent, and 
the new Government withdrew from the 
alliance of democracies, leaving that alli- 
ance facing both ways, fighting Autocracy 
on one hand and Anarchy on the other. 

The first issue, that of fighting autocracy, 



[8] 



EXPANSION OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 

was settled in November 1918 by the 
triumph of Democracy. The second issue, 
that of fighting anarchy, has not yet been 
settled, it being the avowed intention of the 
present Government of Russia to sow the 
seeds of discontent and civil war throughout 
the civilized world. 

The Russian Bolshevik declares his revolt 
to be not against political hereditary autoc- 
racy, but against capitalism. He calls 
upon the peoples of the world to arise and 
overthrow it. His remedy is the destruction 
of all capital, and he proceeds to build up 
an autocracy based on ignorance of the 
most cruel kind, setting back the clock by 
centuries and bringing about idleness and 
starvation. And the fact remains that he 
has succeeded, up to the present at least, in 
putting his ideas into absolute effect over 
a Hundred Million People of the white race. 
A state of "peace cannot come on Earth as long 
as this challenge remains unanswered. 

Bolshevism is an industrial disease, and 



[9] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

a very contagious one wherever it finds 
lack of confidence in the management of 
Industry, and a feeling of injustice amongst 
working men with their present conditions. 
The problem which we must solve is to 
find a remedy for stopping the spread of 
Bolshevism. The first step toward this 
solution is a careful study and examination 
of the industrial situation, ferreting out 
any injustice which may be present, and 
establishing a feeling of confidence between 
the working man and the management of 
Industry. 

The relations between a political govern- 
ment and the people living under that 
government are very similar to the relations 
between the Management of an Industry 
and the People working in that Industry. 
In other words; management and govern- 
ment are synonymous terms, one being 
usually applied to the Political and the 
other to the Industrial World. Since this 
war has been fought to establish certain 



[10] 



EXPANSION OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 

principles of political govenment, therefore, 
it is only natural that working-men should 
see whether or not Management as it now 
exists measures up to these principles, and 
if it does not, they are certainly entitled to 
know the reason why. 

The principles of Government which we 
fought successfully to establish, are what 
we believe to be American ideals of Govern- 
ment. Let us see what these are, and the 
historical development which caused them 
to be what they are. 

Back in the early part of the 17th 
Century a small group of Pilgrims braved the 
dangers of the winter ocean, the dangers of 
an unknown land across the sea, to leave 
their homes and establish a new form of 
Government where they would have more 
freedom and more voice in their affairs than 
they had at home. Others followed them 
and these groups formed Colonies along the 
Atlantic seaboard. For a century and a 
half they lived as Colonies under the Mother 



[ii] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

Country with comparative freedom. In 
the latter part of the 18th Century, England 
tried to tax them without representation 
and these Colonies then declared themselves 
independent and avowed their intention of 
governing themselves as an independent 
Nation. They adopted a new type of 
Government, where representatives, who 
formed the governing bodies, were directly 
chosen by the People. 

Failure of this form of Government was 
freely predicted everywhere. For it was 
felt that only the few were capable of 
governing and that the majority could not 
be trusted with this function. 

The newly organized government how- 
ever, under the Constitution then enacted, 
has existed substantially without change 
from that day to the present time. It has 
been the model from which all Republican 
Governments have been patterned, and the 
principles underlying this form of Govern- 
ment have just won a glorious victory 



[12] 



EXPANSION OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 

establishing those principles as the founda- 
tion for the Governments of the world for 
the future. 

Yet the Republican form of Government 
has not been a panacea or "cure all." It 
has not always met with success in other 
places. Successful government by the majority 
depends upon the character of its citizenship 
and the ability of the majority wisely to 
select representatives to govern them. It re- 
quires a community of interest amongst 
the people, and the absence of sharply 
drawn class distinctions. Wherever the 
character of citizenship is low, or it lacks 
intelligence, democracy has not been an 
entire success, and a form of Government 
more or less autocratic has been necessary 
to maintain order and promote prosperity. 
The success of democracy, therefore, re- 
quires the fostering of education for the 
greatest number possible, in order that the 
Government may be of the greatest good. 

The Citizenship of our own Country has 



[13] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

been such, that under a Republican form 
of government by the majority we have 
grown to be the most influential power in 
the world and stand as proof that what the 
world said could not be done, has been and 
is being done. 

Let us contrast for a moment the develop- 
ment of the German Government during the 
past fifty years with that of our own. Prior 
to 1850, Germany was composed of several 
small states and frequently they had dif- 
ferences of opinion and wars with one 
another, each State so small that it fre- 
quently became prey to other Nations. 
Lack of unity and common interests very 
seriously affected their peace and pros- 
perity. But, face to face with a common 
danger, they united, and in 1870 succeeded 
in overwhelming the French Empire under 
Napoleon III so decisively that they became 
a world power of the first rank. They were 
welded together in a strong autocratic 
government in the hands of a few very 



[14] 



EXPANSION OF POLITICAL DEMOCRACY 

efficient men, who, with a keen realization 
of the Nation's needs, were, with the almost 
absolute power given them, able to quickly 
and quietly do those things which were 
necessary to enhance the material prosperity 
and power of the German Nation. 

There is no question of the maximum 
efficiency of autocratic government when 
administered wisely and justly, and Ger- 
many's prosperity so increased by leaps 
and bounds that the whole nation stood 
behind the autocratic forms which had 
produced such results. The same thing 
happened, however, as always happens 
under such a form of Government. First 
came peace, then prosperity, then efficiency, 
then self-satisfaction, ambition and greed. 
Reaching this last stage, the world war was 
the inevitable result, teaching mankind that 
no matter how efficient autocracy may be, the 
only safe form of Government to rely upon 
in the future is government by the Majority, 
working to the end of making the majority as 



[15] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

efficient as possible. To prove that results 
have been the same in the past where 
autocracy ruled, we have but to go back in 
history to the Roman Empire, the French 
under Louis XIV, and under Napoleon, and 
every other large nation in the past which 
has followed in the same footsteps. In all 
such cases the ruling party has seen the 
"handwriting on the wall" too late to let 
go gradually, a revolution results and de- 
stroys in a large measure the efficiency and 
prosperity previously built up. 



[16] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER II 

Genesis and Development of the 
Labor-Capital Opposition 

There is such a similarity between the 
evolution of political government and in- 
dustrial management that it is instructive 
to go back to the origin of Industry, tracing 
its development to the present stage. 

First, man existed on the bounty of 
nature, hunting and fishing, and by his 
labor alone acquired those things which were 
necessary to sustain life. With this method 
of living, each man required large areas of 
land to support him, and the world could, 
therefore, support a very small population. 
Man soon found however, that he could 
cultivate the ground, produce food, and that 
he could raise animals also, instead of 
depending only on what nature produced 



[17] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

unassisted. This enabled a much larger 
population to exist on the same area of land. 
It was next found that productive 
capacity would be further increased by 
subdivision of labor, some men doing one 
thing and some another, and exchanging 
the products of their labor. As soon as the 
condition developed whereby a man was 
able to produce more than he was himself 
able to consume, he had the choice of 
ceasing to work as soon as his wants were 
supplied, or continuing to work and saving 
a portion of the product of his labor. The 
hunter saved some of the animals, fish, and 
fruit which he secured in the summer, 
dried them and put them away for the 
winter. When he started to cultivate the 
ground, he saved and stored away the 
surplus to tide him over until the next 
harvest. After he gathered the harvest, he 
industriously devoted his spare time to 
making tools with which he could produce 
crops in larger quantities with less labor. 



[18] 



ORIGIN OF LABORS. CAPITAL 

This gave rise to Capital which is always 
the result of and has its origin in the Savings 
of labor. Some men did not save but 
ceased to work beyond the point of barely 
taking eare of their necessities. Others 
continued to work both for their physical 
and material benefit, and out of their 
savings created things necessary for suste- 
nance and tools and machinery with which 
to increase their productive capacity. These 
savings became what we now know as 
"capital." The use of this capital by labor 
resulted constantly in increased production 
at less expenditure of labor. The savings 
of this combined effort was again applied 
still further to increase production, enabling 
the earth's surface to support a constantly 
increasing population, until now it is so 
densely populated that destruction of capital 
would result in world-wide starvation. 
Therefore, in Industry today it is absolutely 
essential that capital and labor go hand in 



[19] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

hand to produce the best results, in which 
they have a common interest. 

In the old days when tribes existed on 
the bounty of nature, as the population 
increased, it was found necessary for one 
tribe to fight another to kill off the popu- 
lation in order that there might be enough 
food for the remainder. It was popularly 
considered that wars were an economic 
good, as otherwise the standard of living 
and subsistence would go constantly down 
as the population increased. The introduc- 
tion of capital has destroyed this theory 
and we now know that it is the use of 
capital, combined with labor, that is the 
key to the solution of an increase both in 
the population and in the higher standards 
of living. 

Capital, be it reiterated, is nothing but 
the Savings of labor, and its logical function 
is to be put at the disposal of mankind to 
be combined with labor to make that labor 
more productive. In other words, capital 



[20] 



ORIGIN OF LABORS. CAPITAL 

should be put at the disposal of those who 
labor, for the benefit of the community, and 
the owners of that capital should be entitled 
to a fair reward for its use. It is evident 
that this is something entirely different from 
the view that humanity should loan its 
labor to the man who owns capital for 
the benefit of capital, and it is the difference 
between these two ideas that is to a large 
extent at the bottom of the industrial unrest of 
today. 

To return to the progress of industry: 
As we pass from the agricultural stage to 
the manufacturing stage, it becomes advis- 
able to divide laborers into groups, part to 
do the farming, part to manufacture the 
tools and machines necessary to increase 
production, and part for special services, 
such as doctors, ministers, lawyers, etc., 
render. This started the so-called crafts 
where different groups of men specialized 
in their particular craft or trade, and by 
study and practice became very efficient in 



im 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

these lines, making the tools necessary and 
exchanging these tools for the products of 
the labor of others. These men combined 
their own capital with their own labor and 
disposed of the product to the best advant- 
age of themselves. 

In this evolution some men saved a great 
deal more than others. Tools became more 
highly specialized and more costly in time 
and labor, and only those who had saved 
considerable w T ere able to own these tools. 
The men that had these tools were able to 
produce cheaper than those who had not, 
which caused the latter to find their busi- 
ness unprofitable, as they could not get 
sufficient returns in competition to give 
them an adequate return for their labor. 
These men in the meantime, however, had 
become so skilled in their crafts that they 
could combine their labor with the capital 
of others and still make more than engaging 
in some other occupation which did not 
require capital. 



[22] 



ORIGIN OF LABORS. CAPITAL 

From this grew the wage system loherehy a 
man sold his labor for a fixed amount as 
being the most convenient and easy way of 
getting his share of the combined effort. The 
lack of control of capital on his part placed 
him at a disadvantage, and in order to 
protect himself and get a fair share of the 
product of his labor, he combined with 
others in a similar position and this has 
resulted in the formation of trade unions 
for the mutual benefit of those who work 
for wages. The result of this was that he 
built up a community of interest with 
others of his class, and by force of numbers 
was able to get better wages and better 
working conditions than would otherwise 
have been the case. A natural reaction 
was the creation of a community of interest 
among owners of capital and they in turn 
joined to protect their capital or savings, to 
see that it also had a fair return from the 
combined efforts of capital and labor. This 
resulted in the opposition of the two classes, 



[23] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

Labor and Capital, each more or less sharply 
defined, each dependent upon the other, 
and each trying to see that it got its fair 
share of the results of the combined effort. 
For several centuries past the proportion 
of wage earners who combine their labor 
with other people's capital has been con- 
stantly increasing over the people who 
combine both capital and labor in their own 
supervision, such as the farmers, profes- 
sional men, and others, until at the present 
time an extremely large portion of laborers 
are wage earners with little if any capital 
at their own command. 

In the beginning the division of the 
product of industry between those who 
furnished the capital and those who fur- 
nished the labor was relatively a simple 
matter, as the groups working together 
were very small. The men who furnished 
the capital were working with the others, 
and understood the wants and needs of 
labor, and were in a position to accurately 



[M] 



ORIGIN OF LABOR vs. CAPITAL 

measure the service rendered by those who 
furnished the labor. But in order to in- 
crease production and lower costs, labor 
became further and further subdivided and 
industries changed from small units to very 
large units, concentrated in centers of popu- 
lation and in convenient locations with 
reference to power, the gathering of raw 
materials and distribution of finished pro- 
duct. Industries of this nature so much 
better served the community that others 
were soon at a disadvantage and went out 
of business. 

The efficiency of this so-called Mass 
Production or Big Business organization of 
industry produced so much greater results 
that those whose capital was invested in 
this form of organization received very 
large returns, and the owners of this cap- 
ital, having much more than sufficient to 
support themselves, either for the present 
or future, found that work of any nature 
for them became unnecessary and many 



[25] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

of them simply continued to loan their 
capital and live upon the returns from this, 
i. e., instead of running the business them- 
selves, they hired other men to manage the 
business for them. 

These men were hired to perform labor, 
which had formerly been done by the capital- 
ist, this being to look after and increase the 
share which capital should have in the reward. 
In other words, they were laborers hired to 
manage other laborers, but not with the 
same community of interest with the other 
laborers, and their reward was to be meas- 
ured by the amount that they could increase 
the capital which they were hired to man- 
age. In consequence, lack of interest in the 
collective result of the industry outside of 
the wage received (which seemed to bear no 
particular relation to the success of the 
industry as a whole), soon seized upon the 
rank and file of industrial employees. No 
longer having any acquaintance with the 
men who labored in industry, soon caused 



[26] 



ORIGIN OF LABORS. CAPITAL 

a lack of interest on the part of those who 
supplied the capital. The employees, feeling 
their wage reasonably assured, started to 
spend all of their wages for current needs 
and did not save for the future. 

Such has been the genesis and develop- 
ment of the labor-capital opposition. The 
result of this evolution has been to create a 
class of capitalists, who do not work, and a 
class of laboring men who do not save and 
who have no capital. It must be perfectly 
evident to anyone that there can be no 
community of interest whatsoever between 
these two classes, and the division of a 
population into two classes of this nature 
results in endless friction and continual col- 
lective bargaining, neither side being satis- 
fied with the ever- varying results. 

Thence follow strikes, lockouts and loss of 
product, as the capitalist who does not 
work always desires to have as much reward 
as the capitalist who does work, and the 
laboring man who saves nothing always 



[27] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

desires to live as well and be as well taken 
care of in the future as the man who saves 
a part of the results of his labor for a rainy 
day. Neither of these desires are right, but 
are merely special privileges which can only 
be granted by injustice to others. As there 
never can be any mutual ground between 
the capitalist who does not work and the 
laborer who does not save, the power of 
either one of these groups to obtain for 
itself special privileges, to which it has no 
right, should be curbed. 

The tendency of combinations of capital 
and combinations of labor to build up large 
powerful bodies, each one for its own 
interest, is, therefore, undemocratic and un- 
American, and in the interests of all there 
should be substituted for this something 
which would increase the incentive for 
labor to save more, which in turn would 
cause it to produce more. We should also 
endeavor to see that capital which does not 
labor should be restricted in its ability to 



[28] 



ORIGIN OF LABORS. CAPITAL 

acquire more than the current market rate 
for the use of its capital, and remove from 
such capital any possibility of being used on 
the principle of "Might makes Right." 
Increased production and the ability of 
the earth to support an increasing popula- 
tion depends entirely upon both labor and 
capital working together. Economically 
therefore, they have a common interest and 
they should be so organized that this com- 
mon interest is so apparent to both that 
they are working together in harmony. 



[29] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER III 

Present Status of the Labor-Capital 
Opposition 

Examining the typical form of large In- 
dustrial Organizations of today, we find a 
very large plant investment, often running 
into many millions of dollars in value, for 
purposes of production and distribution. 
The capital which this represents has been 
furnished often by thousands of different 
people, who have presumably placed their 
savings in this particular enterprise because 
they thought that their savings would bring 
a higher return when invested here than 
elsewhere. 

Such investors may be divided into three 
classes; first, those who have invested in the 
form of a straight loan to the business, tak- 
ing a mortgage on the plant as security. 



[31] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

The reward for the use of this capital is 
usually a small interest rate which is paid 
out of the profits of the business, and if 
there are no profits they have asked that 
the plant be sold and that they be paid out 
of the sale of the plant, which necessitates 
the discontinuance of the business. In this, 
capital takes very little risk. Such investors 
are usually known as bond holders. 

Second; there are those who lend their 
capital to the business, taking all of their 
return out of the profits of the business and 
who insist that their claims have preference 
before lending their capital, and with this 
preference are satisfied to take a fixed 
return out of the profits, allowing those who 
do not have this preference to take the 
balance. These are known as preferred stock 
holders. 

Third; there are those who loan their 
capital to the business, agreeing to take as 
their share only what is left after the wages 
and all bills are paid, and the bond holders 



[32] 



LABOR AND CAPITAL TODAY 

and preferred stock-holders taken care of. 
These are usually known as common stock- 
holders, and as they take the largest amount 
of risk, they usually are in control of the 
operation of the Industry and are the most 
vitally interested in its success. 

The men who supply the labor furnish 
their services at a fixed rate and receive 
their return either in the form of wages or 
salary. They are usually paid at so much 
per piece for the articles produced, or so 
much for the time which they work, which 
amount is also based upon the amount which 
they are expected to produce within a given 
time. Here we run across the mistaken idea 
that a man's time is worth so much money, 
regardless of what he produces. The incon- 
sistency of such an argument is easily 
demonstrated in the fact that the Industry 
can only sell the products of labor and not 
the time used in that production. There- 
fore, there is no sound economic reason for 
paying for time, and wages must be based 



[33] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

entirely upon the amount produced. The 
fact that it is expressed in units of time is 
incidental and not fundamental. Time is 
for use: it is not for sale. 

Now we envisage all who supply either 
capital or labor and witness them united 
and working together in production. The 
products are distributed and the reward 
comes in. If the Industry is going to con- 
tinue, a certain amount of the reward has 
to be used to replace the raw materials and 
equipment which were used up in making 
the finished product, and the balance is 
either to be invested in an expansion of the 
business or divided as nearly as possible 
between the capital and labor used in pro- 
duction in direct proportion to the service 
rendered. 

Theoretically there should be no sum 
expended for labor or for interest or divi- 
dends until the products of industry have 
been sold and money received in exchange. 
But this is obviously impossible in modern 



[34] 



LABOR AND CAPITAL TODAY 

industry, since it is often months or years 
before some of the capital invested is sold 
as finished product, and often many months 
before the article in which labor is expended 
is sold or exchanged. Owing to the large 
number of men who have not saved suffi- 
ciently to exist in the meantime, an esti- 
mate has to be made in advance upon what 
the results of the business are going to be 
so that these may get an advance return. 
It is impossible to make the wage a full 
payment to labor and at the same time a 
fair payment, but we have come as a 
matter of practice to do this very thing by 
making the wage payment the full return 
for labor's share in Industry. 

What is the result ? The laboring man 
says either he can't or he won't take 
any financial risk on the successful and 
profitable operation of the Industry, but he 
will take his wage as his full return for his 
share in the partnership. It follows that 
those who supply the common capital of 



[35] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

the Industry assume either from choice or 
from necessity, all the risk and will quite 
naturally claim everything produced in ex- 
cess of the fixed obligation to labor in the 
form of wages, and the fixed returns to 
other capital which is safeguarded against 
real risk. 

So long as labor takes this stand, the 
owners of common capital are entirely justi- 
fied in their position, and the share which 
labor has received in the past, based upon 
its acceptance of the "wage in full," has been 
its fair reward. If labor were to take the 
same attitude in the future, those who 
supply common capital are entitled to con- 
tinue to receive the same proportion of the 
reward of Industry that they have received 
in the past, up to a certain point. 

All know that capital has been so well 
rewarded in many instances by this arrange- 
ment, that those who provide the common 
capital, realizing the power which this gives 
them, are often apt to say to labor that 



[36] 



LABOR AND CAPITAL TODAY 

whether labor wishes to take a risk with 
them or not, that they don't wish labor to 
have the opportunity of doing so. This 
attitude is entirely wrong. Labor may not 
have any capital to risk, but it is risking all 
it has to risk, i. e., its labor, and its ability 
to get the best results from this labor is 
bound up to a large extent with the per- 
manency and profitableness of the business. 
Labor may not risk a proportionately large 
amount based upon the productiveness of 
what it lends, but it does risk a very large 
amount in proportion to what it has to 
lend. It is, therefore, only a matter of mere 
justice that if labor has received the current 
wage and capital at the end has received the 
current rate of interest, that any surplus 
beyond this must necessarily have been created 
by the combined use of capital and labor, 
and, should be divided between the two in some 
proportion and not go entirely to Capital 
alone. 

With this incentive the increase in quan- 



[37] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

tity and efficiency of production will provide 
means for capital to share a percentage of 
earnings with labor without net loss to itself. 

From all sides today we hear the economic 
axiom that the only way to keep wages at 
their present high level or increase them in 
the future is to become more efficient and 
by so doing, to increase production. 

When profit-sharing or joint stock owner- 
ship with labor becomes a more established 
custom, companies who do not offer such 
opportunities, will not only find it difficult 
to obtain new men of the right type, but 
will not be able to retain those whom they 
now have. The advantage and good-will 
accrue to those who first adopt it. 

Assuming the condition to prevail uni- 
versally that labor should receive its full 
payment in wages and capital take all the 
excess, the natural consequence would be to 
divide Industry into two classes, one whose 
interest is entirely in wage, and the other 
entirely in profits. The first class must 



[38] 



LABOR AND CAPITAL TODAY 

realize that so long as the business is success- 
ful enough to obtain the capital necessary 
to continue its operation, any further 
profits are detrimental to the interests of 
labor and, therefore, they should strive to 
have their wage so high that excess profits 
would not be possible. On the other hand 
those supplying the capital would realize 
that so long as sufficient labor can be ob- 
tained to operate the business, the wage 
must be kept as low as possible in order 
that the profits might be larger. This is the 
condition which generally 'prevails in Industry 
today, and by having a difference of interests 
rather than a community of interest between 
the two parties, conditions promoting friction 
and unrest are always present. This condition 
can only be overcome by bringing about a com- 
munity of interest. 

One of the reasons labor heretofore has 
not wished to take a risk in the business in 
relation to its reward has been the feeling on 
the part of labor that it has no voice in 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

the management of the business. It is not 
in position to affect the profits. Therefore, 
it should not be called upon to take a 
speculative interest in the business, but 
should make those in control take all the 
risk. To very many workers this is a very 
satisfactory arrangement, but there are 
always some who have saved a little, who 
would be ready if they had the opportunity, 
to risk their savings with the other capital, 
and there are others who think that risking 
their labor alone when they have no capital 
is sufficient to justify their having "a say" 
in the selection of representatives to admin- 
ister the enterprise. There is certainly 
justice in this contention which cannot be 
brushed aside. It must be recognized and 
fair representation given. While it is difficult 
to determine exactly what fair representation 
should be, we must attempt to provide for it 
as far as possible and not dismiss the idea as 
being impractical. The manifest injustice of 
no representation must be discontinued. 



[40] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER IV 

Clues to the Solution 

To recognize the opposition of Labor to 
Capital in the present organization of in- 
dustry and to remedy it requires a progressive 
change in industrial organization which can 
be undertaken in our Country with greater 
safety than in almost any other. 

Our problem in Industry today is very 
similar to that which confronted our fore- 
fathers in 1776 and 1788. At that time we 
found our people being taxed without repre- 
sentation by a foreign government, and the 
distribution of part of the product of their 
labor being made by others many miles 
away with whom they had no common 
interest. 

Today we find large numbers of working 
men having their wages fixed by people 



[41] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

who, while they have some interests in 
common, have a great many interests op- 
posed. We also find that often the share 
of reward between those who labor and 
those who supply the capital is not fairly 
divided. It was the task of our forefathers 
to see that all parties having an interest at 
stake were represented in the Government, 
and that the privileges and rewards created 
were evenly distributed. They realized that 
justly to make an even distribution of 
privileges each must do his share to produce 
the privileges. In other words, for every priv- 
ilege there is a corresponding duty. 

A group of representative men were 
selected from among the people to form a 
constitution which should be the funda- 
mental law by which the inhabitants of the 
country should be ruled. How they met 
this problem is shown by our Federal 
Constitution, and the wisdom of their work 
is evidenced by the long period of years 
under which the people have been governed 



[42] 



CLUES TO THE SOLUTION 

by this document, the large number of 
people now governed by it, and also the 
model which it has been for other lawgivers. 

An analysis of the underlying principle of 
the Federal Constitution affords us the surest 
guide which we have for solving the present in- 
dustrial problem. This principle is that it is 
a government by the people, based upon 
the equality of individuals, and that human 
rights stand first and all other rights second- 
ary, whether they be from birth, education, 
wealth, or from other sources, at the same 
time recognizing property rights. 

By enforcing the duty of paying taxes 
sufficient security is given to enable the 
people to get such additional capital as 
they may require at even better than the 
current rate of interest, and at the same 
time, give it no voice in the government as 
capital. Without the power of taxation or 
compulsory savings, capital could not be 
obtained without representation or addi- 
tional security of some sort, and it would 



[43] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

have to have direct representation in the 
Government. It is the desire of the workers 
that this same condition should exist in 
industry. In order to obtain this condition 
by honest methods, sufficient security must 
be given to capital required in the Industry, 
to secure it at the current rate of interest, 
without necessarily giving it a voice in the 
management to insure its safety. 

The only possible way to do this and still 
have the workers in control of the industry 
the same as they are in control of the 
Government and with the same kind of 
equality of representation, would be for the 
workers to save and jointly pledge their 
savings to the development of the business 
so that other capital which they require 
is satisfactorily safeguarded to such an 
extent that a sufficient number of people 
will loan the required capital to the industry 
without requiring any representation. Un- 
til the workers are able and willing to do 
this, or can be compelled by a majority of 



[44] 



CLUES TO THE SOLUTION 

their own people to do so, it is quite obvious 
that capital must have representation. If 
labor does not wish to assume any risk at 
all, or is not able to do so, then capital 
must be in control of the management, 
which position it now occupies. 

Capital should not assume, however, that 
because the majority of workers cannot or 
do not wish to invest their savings in the 
enterprise, that none of them should be 
permitted to do so. It should encourage 
and offer facilities for those who labor and 
save to become interested in the operation 
of the business and distribution of the 
profits. It cannot be expected that capital, 
which is already invested in a business, 
should relinquish control of that business 
until it is safe-guarded for the future, as it 
has not the ability to detach itself from the 
enterprise once it finds itself in an un- 
satisfactory position, the same as the man 
who labors can detach himself from the 
enterprise at will. 



[45] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER V 

Rights Involve Duties 

There is one fundamental economic theory 
which in the past capital has either been 
ignorant of, or has totally ignored. This is 
the relation of human rights to property 
rights. Capital must come to realize that 
human rights come first and property rights 
second. The law recognizes this to the 
extent of making wages the first lien on an 
industry before interest and capital are 
recognized. It is also recognized that after 
labor has received the current market wage, 
and this has preference, that it should be 
entitled to no further rights until capital 
has received the current rate of interest for 
its use. 

The desires of the working men have been 
limited very largely to four points; (1) 



[47] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

Higher Wages, (2) Shorter Hours, (3) 
Representation in the Management, and 
(4) Share in the Profits. 

The latter two can he justly recognized only 
when the workers are prepared to take the 
responsibilities and duties safeguarding the 
rights of the capital invested in the Industry, 
the same as they do as citizens in protecting 
the Government by paying taxes. If the 
framers of the Constitution correctly solved 
the problem of government politically, 
then we are right in the belief that the 
problem of Industrial Management is an- 
alogous to that which they faced, save that 
as applied to Industry we must determine 
the logical steps to pursue in changing the 
present industrial management over to the 
Federal form, with just regard for the rights 
of both capital and labor. 

The first step is to establish an Industrial 
citizenship, creating equality of powers of 
the individual citizens to choose repre- 
sentatives to run the business. There must, 



[48] 



RIGHTS INVOLVE DUTIES 

of necessity for good business, be certain 
restrictions for the qualification of citizen- 
ship. These restrictions should only be 
placed upon the age and intelligence of the 
individual to insure a majority which would 
be able to safeguard the best interests of all. 
These limitations should exist only so long 
as the individual did not qualify, and every 
opportunity should be given him to be 
able to qualify as soon as possible, so that 
all might have the opportunity of citizen- 
ship if they are ready to assume its duties. 
These citizens would have the power to 
elect representatives who should govern the 
policy of the business to the extent of safe- 
guarding their human rights. Only as they 
^provide their own underlying capital for the 
business, may they gain control to the extent 
of being able to limit the capitalist's rights. 
This would mean joint control by repre- 
sentation of both labor and capital until 
such time as this point had been reached. 
Until that time representative control by 



[49] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

the workers should only be to the extent of 
protecting their human rights while the 
control of property rights should remain 
with those who furnish the property. 

In order to conform to the ideal of 
management which we have in our National 
Government, it would be necessary either 
that a certain portion of the wages paid, 
be automatically reinvested in the business 
in a way similar to that with which we 
raise taxes, or else that the excess profits 
of the company after wages and current 
interest rates on capital have been paid, 
should be divided and the share of labor 
be reinvested in the company at the same 
value as the capital already similarly in- 
vested. So long as labor is in position where 
it has to take its share in form of wages, 
which are anticipated profits, or as long as 
labor is unable to have savings to make 
good any losses which capital may sustain 
in the operation of the business, just so 
long should the control of that capital 



[50] 



RIGHTS INVOLVE DUTIES 

remain with the owners of it. Any other 
solution would be confiscation and injustice. 



[51] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER VI 

The Industrial Republic 

Before attempting an advance in this 
direction it would obviously be necessary 
to sever all connections with other organiza- 
tions whose functions might interfere or con- 
flict with those of the governing body elected 
by the workmen and management. Only 
by clearing our decks for action in such 
manner can we build up the confidence 
between labor and management which is 
necessary for co-operation and harmony. 

If we are to form an Industrial Republic 
it is logical that we should study the 
organization and workings of the Political 
Republic, and the United States Govern- 
ment affords this opportunity. In defining 
a plan of organization along these lines, the 
first step is the determination of the limita- 



[53] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

tions of citizenship. There must be, 1st, a 
certain age limit within which it is presumed 
a man should ordinarily have acquired 
sufficient intelligence to be expected to use 
good judgment; 2nd, knowledge of a com- 
mon language, and, 3rd, a sufficient time in 
the Industry to become familiar with its 
needs. These Citizens should then elect 
representatives to form a management to 
insure their human rights, such as fair 
market wage, fair working conditions, and 
other matters pertaining to the safety and 
welfare of the people engaged in the In- 
dustry. In order to protect the Industry 
against radicalism, and taking steps hastily, 
which might afterwards have to be cor- 
rected, we could well adopt the plan of our 
forefathers and establish two bodies and 
make it necessary for legislation to pass a 
majority of each of these bodies and also 
the executive body. 

Persons eligible to serve as representatives 
would need still further qualifications as 



[54[ 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

regards age and length of service, than 
would be requisite for mere citizenship. 
This was found very necessary for the 
safety of our political republic in its early 
days and is doubly necessary for an Indus- 
trial Republic, for the following reason : 

A Government by having the power to 
fix laws for immigration and tariffs or em- 
bargoes on importation of materials, can 
artifically control the supply of labor and 
capital of the Nation, to prevent an inrush 
of either one upsetting the balance, in case 
it makes mistakes in legislation. In other 
words, it can stave off the disastrous results 
of unwise legislation and correct its mis- 
takes. With Industry, on the other hand, 
unless it is protected by patent monopoly 
granted by the Government, its mistakes 
can almost instantaneously be taken ad- 
vantage of by its competitors with very 
little prospect of recovery of the lost ground. 
In other words, a non-monopolistic Industry 
is in a similar position to a Nation always 



[55] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

at war. We have always found that the 
Executive Branch of the Government must 
be entrusted with greater powers in the face 
of common danger than is necessary to 
grant to it in time of peace. It is for this 
reason that capital is unprotected and must 
have sufficient power to protect itself 
against business competition, either by in- 
herent right or by consent of the majority 
of its Industrial Citizens. So long as it is 
in this position, it must have the power to 
overrule the opinion of the popular majority 
on such points as do not interfere with the 
human rights of those engaged in the busi- 
ness, to the end that its principal and fair 
interest rate be safeguarded. 

We may, therefore, assume that the 
majority of industrial citizens should select 
a House of Representatives with certain 
qualifications for membership, and a Senate 
with still higher qualifications for member- 
ship, and that until such time as the rights 
of capital can be properly safe-guarded, the 



[M] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

Executives should be the representatives of 
capital, with veto power over such legis- 
lation as might be unfair to the rights of 
capital, while provision should be made for 
over-ruling the veto of Executives in such 
matters as might be distinctly human 
rights, which take precedence. It should be 
in the power of the majority of all industrial 
citizens to insist that all who wish to 
remain citizens and participate in repre- 
sentation and the rewards of Industry, 
should make such contribution from their 
wages or salaries to the Industry, as might 
seem necessary or advisable to properly safe- 
guard the rights of capital to the further end 
of their regaining that degree of financial 
participation which they lost through past 
acceptance of advance returns in the shape of 
wages. 

In the National form of Government, the 
citizens make the laws and the tax payers 
furnish the capital. In Government citizens 
and tax-payers are one and the same. In 



[57] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

Industry, under this form, the Industrial 
Citizens would be making the laws and the 
common stock-holders would pay the taxes, 
so that both would have to be represented. 
The only way to make both bodies the same 
would be to pay off all of those who furnish 
capital, who are not members of the Organ- 
ization, and insist that all common stock, 
once owned by members of the Organization, 
could only be sold to other members of the 
organization. In this way the same con- 
dition would exist as in our Federal Govern- 
ment. It is true that each individual would 
not hold the same amount of stock, any 
more than each citizen pays the same 
amount of taxes. An identical condition 
exists however in both management and 
Government: that the best results will be 
obtained as incentive and opportunity is 
given to acquire property; and while taxes 
are paid somewhat in proportion to one's 
ability to pay, they must never be assessed 
in such a way as to discourage anyone from 



[58] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

producing or stop the desire to save. 
Having organized Industry on this basis, 
its success would largely be measured by 
the character of its citizenship as regards 
its intelligence in electing representatives to 
manage wisely, its individual desire to save 
and contribute both its energy and savings 
to the business, and its realization of its 
duty towards the organization, as well as of 
its expectation of share in the privileges. 



[59] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 



CHAPTER VII 

Industrial Citizenship 

In every industry there are three parties 
to its success; (1) the Labor, and (2) Capital 
necessary to engage in production and the 
(3) Customer to take the product. 

In seeking the customers, we find many 
different kinds of people to whom to sell. 
Some are very reasonable and only want a 
square deal, getting as much as they are 
entitled to, based upon cost of production 
plus a fair profit. The only measure they 
have of this as far as their particular 
interest is concerned, is that the efficiency 
of the manufacturing organization be such 
that they get as good value as they could 
get by dealing with a competitor. This 
should be sufficient to obtain the good-will 
of a reasonable customer, and anything 



[61] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

which he gets in addition to this should 
increase the amount of good-will and fortify 
the Industry against possible temporary 
mistakes in the future. This class of custom- 
ers should be earnestly sought after and 
obtained. 

On the other hand, there are many other 
prospective customers who are not satisfied 
unless they get very much better product 
than they can get anywhere else, and they 
would even see the labor and capital em- 
ployed insufficiently rewarded in order that 
they might get a better product at a lower 
price than they could get it elsewhere. 
This class of customers should be avoided 
in fairness to the other customers and to all 
the interests concerned. 

Next we consider those who furnish cap- 
ital. Many people having the capital to 
lend are satisfied with the current interest 
rate for the use of their capital, based upon 
the risk taken, this being sufficient to 
obtain their good-will, while any amount 



[62] 



INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP 

in addition to this creates such increased 
good-will and gives them a desire to supply 
the capital to tide the Industry over any 
temporary difficulties into which it may 
run. Every effort should be made to obtain 
capital from men such as these. But, we 
find others who have capital to lend, who 
are only satisfied when they obtain the 
highest possible return for their capital, 
regardless of the rights of the customer to 
obtain honest product, and regardless of 
the rights of the workers to obtain an 
honest return for their labor. Such owners 
of capital are undesirable and every effort 
should be made to replace them with men of 
the other class. 

With reference to the labor which oper- 
ates the Industry, we find many who are 
satisfied with a fair return for their labor 
and quite ready to concede to capital a fair 
return, and to the customer a fair product, 
as long as they receive the current market 
rate for their services. They also have 



[63] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

sufficient good-will towards the company to 
produce as much as they can without detri- 
ment to health and their good-will is in- 
creased by sharing in any further reward 
after the other two partners have been 
taken care of. Every possible effort should 
be made to obtain the good-will of this class 
of labor. 

On the other hand, we find many laborers 
who selfishly believe that their effort is the 
only contributing factor to the success of 
the business, and think of nothing but 
getting the highest return for their labor 
regardless of their ability or the amount 
they produce, and regardless also of the 
rights of capital and the customer. Often 
times, they figure that their time alone is 
worth their reward, regardless of what they 
produce, and use no effort to do an honest 
day's work. 

As in the case of undesirable customers 
and capitalists, this type of labor should be 
antagonized and turned away whenever pos- 



[64] 



INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP 

sible in all fairness to the others. No induce- 
ment should be made to retain them in 
Industry, and definite encouragement should 
be given them to leave and seek employ- 
ment elsewhere. 

The undesirable partner, whether he be 
customer, capitalist or working man, whose 
only reason for being a partner is his 
supreme selfish interest, can only be satisfied 
by unfair sacrifice on the part of the other 
partners. Therefore, his good- will should 
not be sought and any effort spent upon 
him should be by way of inducing him to 
take a different view of things. When such 
men can be eliminated from industrial 
organization, those who remain will have a 
community of interest based on justice and 
fairness, and the good-will of each should be 
sought after by the other two. 

It is, therefore, desirable that the policy 
of up-to-date Industrial Organization be such 
as to gather together a ctizenship of the 
right type, offering to all who happen to be 



1*5] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

engaged in the Industry, every opportunity 
by means of education, example and friend- 
ship, to become a citizen of right type and 
if these influences fail, to eliminate the 
undesirable partner from the Industry. An 
Industrial citizenship of this nature will 
break down the present diversified interests 
which are always a source of friction and 
qause for unrest, and by equality of oppor- 
tunity create an organization composed of 
men, the great majority of whom will have 
a common interest. The minority will always 
have the opportunity of qualifying to join 
with them, and if they do not do so, will at 
least be powerless materially to interfere with 
the success of the organization as a whole. 

It is, of course, true that there will always, 
be an undesirable minority of employees 
in any Industry, the same as there are 
undesirable inhabitants in any country. 
These perform an economic function as 
Industry cannot always employ the same 
number of people, and must give oppor- 



[66] 



INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP 

tunities of advancement from time to time. 
As advancement is a relative term, there 
must be some who do not move up and 
these naturally belong to the class which 
does not w r ish to be fair and productive. 
As the needs of Industry for labor vary, 
steady employment to those trying to do 
their best can only be provided by laying 
off those who have not earned steady 
employment. It should not be the duty of 
any particular Industry to provide steady 
employment or advancement for these lat- 
ter, but there is always a distinct duty that 
the industry do everything possible to edu- 
cate and assist such workers to change 
their ways and produce and save, becoming 
good citizens of the Industrial Republic. 

The world does not owe every man a 
living, but it does owe every man the 
opportunity to earn a living, and each 
Industry as a duty should do its share in 
affording men the opportunity to earn that 
living up to its ability to do so. 



[67] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

Having adopted a policy of careful selec- 
tion of its working force, management can 
then grant to those who qualify by age, 
length of employment and, possibly, under- 
standing a common language, the rights of 
Industrial Citizenship on the basis of equal- 
ity for the purpose of selecting representa- 
tives by a direct vote with power to legislate 
on all matters, to insure justice to the work- 
ing men as a whole, and to represent them 
in dealing with the other partners, capital 
and management, for the mutual advantage 
of all. Such an Industrial Republic would 
provide for a legislature composed of two 
Houses, elected by the working force of the 
Industry, the qualifications of the Upper 
House being such as to make this House 
the more conservative of the two by restrict- 
ing membership to men of somewhat mature 
age and longer period of service with the 
Industry. This is especially necessary where 
there is a large labor turnover, where the 
qualifications for industrial citizenship are 



[68] 



INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP 

inadequate properly to safeguard the indus- 
try, although such precautions would auto- 
matically become more unnecessary when 
an Industry became stable, with a relatively 
constant working force. 

This Industrial legislature would have 
the power to legislate on all matters affect- 
ing justice to the working force, while 
measures passed by a majority vote of both 
Houses would go to the Chief Executive of 
the Branch of the Industry which the Legis- 
lature represents, or the Industry as a whole, 
in case it covers this extent, for approval 
or veto, the same as is done in our Govern- 
ment by the Governor of a State or by the 
President. In case of veto, a measure would 
go back to the Houses, and if passed by 
a two-thirds vote of both Houses, such 
action would be final, unless it should be a 
matter unfairly affecting the interests of 
those who furnished the money, or the 
customers who buy the product, which 
would be distinctly unfair to them, in which 



[69] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

case it would go before the Board of 
Directors of the Company for decision. 

If all capital used by the Company is 
properly safe-guarded as to principal and 
interest by the savings of the working 
force, and through ability to tax the work- 
ing force, as in the case of our National 
and State Government, the passing by a 
two-thirds vote over the veto would be 
final without reference to any other body. 
This would be the condition of an ideal 
industrial republic. This condition can just- 
ly be reached only when the working force 
as a whole has the ability and intent to risk 
its own capital as a proper safe-guard for 
outside capital which it uses in its business. 

Such a state of industrial organization is 
a highly desirable one as being in line with 
our American ideals of Government. In 
such an organization all capital except that 
furnished by the laboring force, would be 
put at the disposal of the laboring force for 
the purpose of production and the general 



[70] 



INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP 

benefit of the community, and yet due con- 
sideration of the rights of capital would be 
given. Any attempt of the working man 
to appropriate the capital of others for 
his own use, without proper safeguard 
and without paying a fair return for its 
use, would only result in disaster. This 
capital would soon be used up, and it 
would be impossible for the Industry to 
obtain any more. 

On the other hand, any attempt of those 
who furnish capital to insist upon holding 
control of the Industry, without affording 
the opportunity for those who labor to apply 
their savings and pledge their capital to 
the support of the Industry, or to prevent 
the laborer from being represented in the 
management of the business, to the extent to 
which his interests are at stake and in 
which he has taken a risk, will result in a 
discontented labor force, based upon a feel- 
ing of injustice, which will so adversely 
affect production that the interests of those 



[71] 



THE INDUSTRIAL REPUBLIC 

who furnish the capital and who buy the 
product will be in jeopardy. 

The time has now arrived when encourage- 
ment must be given to the progressive evolution 
of Industry from the state where labor hires 
itself out to capital, to the state where labor 
will manage the business and undertake the 
obligations which are necessary to insure those 
who have capital that they may safely lend it 
to the Organization of those who labor, for the 
mutual benefit of both. 

The main cause of industrial unrest is 
the ill-will of the laboring force. We have 
spent relatively too large an effort in the 
past to obtain the good-will of the customer, 
and those who furnish the capital, and too 
little to obtain the good-will of labor. The 
time has come for a serious consideration 
and some definite action toward the solution 
of this problem. Realizing the problem, 
the possible solutions will be many. Any 
real solution, however, must obtain the 



[72] 



INDUSTRIAL CITIZENSHIP 

good-will and confidence of labor, and this 
can only be done by direct representation 
of labor in management. 



[73] 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



027 292 861 7 



